Dear students of the College of Europe, ¡Congratulations! You have my admiration and —I have to admit— a bit of mi envy…
It truly gives me great pleasure to address you at this closing ceremony in Bruges; in this beautiful theatre, the Koninklijke Stadssouwburg, a city that can rightfully lay claim to the title of the heart of Europe. Owing to the history and prestige of this centre of excellence in higher education, I consider this opportunity an enormous honour.
Lying at the intersection of Europe’s major trade routes, Bruges is a natural port and hub for transatlantic trade. It was home to the first stock exchange in Europe, and saw the birth of very eminent and venerable guilds. Some of the most accomplished Flemish artists painted it, and —I cannot fail to mention this, coming from Spain— Bruges became the adopted city of a very celebrated Spanish philosopher and humanist from Valencia: Juan Luis Vives. Indeed, it was likely here that he spent his happiest years, back in the XVIth century.
One can really feel so strongly the spirit of Europe in the streets, squares and canals of this city, so it is no surprise that the first ‘Europeanists’, when selecting the best location to place a centre for advanced studies of Europe, chose this beautiful Flemish city in Belgium, following a generous offer from its authorities. Hence, this ambitious educational project took root and naturally flourished here, to such an extent that one cannot fully understand European institutions, and the main centres of thought, without the College of Europe. It is so gratifying to see the Bruges campus being joined by others in Natolin, Poland, and Tirana in Albania —a very significant sign of a united Europe’s spirit and vitality.
I have come here to speak to you about Jacques Delors and the European project. In fact, the two subjects are almost one, and the same. We all know that history is not written solely by one person, but in the case of your Patron de Promotion, separating the man from his work seems quite difficult, or even impossible, especially as we zoom into the decade from 1985 to 1995, when he was President of the Commission three times, but also later in his career.
It is quite true ‒obvious for most‒ that I am here speaking about Delors and Europe at a time of great geopolitical upheaval. A time in which multilateralism, Atlanticism and the international rules-based order are suffering a clear erosion; a time of threats to alliances that seemed unshakeable, bonds that seemed unbreakable and stability that seemed unending. A time that recalls the words of Beethoven, in the finale of his 9th Symphony, which seem to warn of the dangerous dissonance of history: “Oh friends, not these sounds! Let us strike up more pleasing and joyful ones!”
At times like these, when uncertainty takes over both present and future, it is helpful to look to the past, and to the etymology of words. Because the true meaning of names is often hidden in their roots. So, what is Europe, etymologically speaking? A word comprising the adjective euris (wide) and the noun ops (gaze). Europe is the place that sees clearly; put another way, Europe is the place that sees far.
The architects of the integration project were all Europeans with outstanding political vision: I am referring to Monnet, Schuman, De Gasperi, Spaak and Adenauer … I am referring to my compatriot Salvador de Madariaga, who was so deeply involved in bringing this College of Europe into being, and who 75 years ago became President of its Administrative Council.
All these public figures —and many more who for the sake of brevity I have not mentioned— were able to see union in Europe before it even existed. They understood, before others, that a future of peace, harmony, stability and prosperity called for progressive sharing of sovereignty in certain areas, and for the establishment of a de-facto interdependence that in-turn would cultivate a feeling of community in the minds of all Europeans. This approach, widely known today as the “Community approach”, balances idealism with pragmatism; and what is politics, if not a constant effort to strike a balance between the two?
In this respect, we could safely state that the European journey has never followed a road map, but has always had a clear course; one that would meet the real pressing needs that over time widely arose for the people of Europe in times of turmoil. Some examples: the bipolarization of the world, the arms race, the decolonization process, the oil crisis, the Soviet collapse, the rise of a multipolar world, the economic and financial crisis, the global pandemic, and the emergence of digital networks and AI, to name just a few.
Dear students of the College of Europe,
Jacques Delors, your eminent Patron de Promotion, was one of those “far-sighted” Europeans. In his childhood and youth, he experienced the devastation of the World Wars. A man of strong social conscience and a multifaceted political career that ranged from unionism, to city council, to the Government of France and the Parliament in Strasbourg, Delors joined the Commission at a time when the European project ‒it can be said‒ had come to a standstill, in 1985. By the way, that year, now 40 years ago, Spain signed its Treaty of accession to the European Communities, Delors was present at the signing on 12th of June.
By the end of his third term, 10 years later, the internal market was firmly in place, social policies were also a growing reality, the foundations for an expansion to the east were set, and the member states were taking important initial steps towards an economic and monetary union. In his final years, although he had retired from politics, Delors retained a remarkable intellect and drive, to the point of discussing matters such as Eurobonds and the digital revolution. In Spain, we recognized his enormous contributions to the European project twice: 1st, with the Prince of Asturias Award for International Cooperation, which he received in 1989, jointly with Mikhail Gorbachev, and 2nd with the Carlos V European Award from the European Academy of Yuste Foundation, which he received in 1995.
Now, I would like to briefly mention his approach, because it says a great deal about him as a person: at a time of leaders with forceful personalities in various European countries —Kohl, Mitterrand, Thatcher, González, to name but a few— Delors was the epitome of leadership based on knowledge, effectiveness and persuasion. He had an intuitive talent for identifying the end goal and determining the best way to reach it. Often, in the European Councils, following a lengthy debate on any particular issue, Heads of State and of Gov. would turn to the Commission in search for some orientation, asking: “Jacques, how should we do this?”. Delors would step up to the challenge and offer a detailed answer, with several alternatives. Not out of vain impulsiveness, but from a serene and wise vision, following deep consideration; long hours thinking about Europe and for Europe.
His closest colleagues, including his former Chef de Cabinet, Pascal Lamy, have said that Jacques Delors thought about Europe’s present and its future; his strategic approach allowed him to keep the ship on course, profiting from fair winds and weathering adversity. As the roman philosopher (born in Cordoba) Seneca said, “For a man who knows not to which port he is sailing, no wind is favourable”. Likewise, in the construction of Europe, always characterized —then and now— by stages and chapters that are often understood only in hindsight, knowing what is needed at each point and what the long-term goal is, and successfully balancing the two, is key to success.
Indeed, needs change, I believe we all think this way, but it seems natural to ask ourselves what the objective or goal is. What is currently the ultimate aim behind the complex process of European construction? Some may argue that, rather than a tangible and realistic outcome, it remains an ideal, an aspiration, a spirit (utopia?): 170 years ago, Victor Hugo referred to this as the shared homeland in the mind of the Europeans. It is never finished, because there will always be room for improvement. However, we can safely say ─with hard proof and practical consequences─ that it already has a clear shape, a recognizable one; one we can define or describe easily in so many aspects of practical daily life for all citizens in the EU; one we have been building for seven decades.
"...the time for European citizens is now. Time to comprehend that the Union is not a community solely of rights and freedoms, but also of commitments and duties. We must ask ourselves not what Europe can do for us, but what we —Europeans of the 21st century— can do for Europe. Because our commitment to Europe, to the concept of Europe, is a commitment to our freedom, equality and future.
..."
That shared homeland of the people of Europe is a space with removed barriers and strengthened freedoms, where our children and grandchildren can grow and learn in an increasingly sophisticated environment of protected rights and accessible welfare. It is a framework for economic growth, social and territorial cohesion which, if ─and when─ unpolluted by radicalism, perfects the concept of “citizenship”. It is also a growing area of our continent, in which the common good reaches all Europeans, and where all people —without exception— may feel part of a shared political space.
A Europe of this nature cannot be inward looking, it must necessarily also look outward, to the rest of the World. As a former H.R. of the Union for F. Affairs and Sec.Policy, your Rector, Federica Mogherini, knows well that a united Europe can never be cowardly, withdrawn or self-obsessed. The Europe we want, the Europe we strive for, is one of solidarity and free thought; a Europe that never shies away from a challenge, precisely because it knows from experience what doing so can lead to; we have tasted the bitterness and payed the price of inaction and indecision. Europe should always define itself by its commitment and by the high values and principles that lay within the legacy of these past 70 yrs.
Some may argue —we unfortunately often hear this, even inside the EU— that our devotion to those principles and values is also our greatest weakness in the terra incognita of today’s world (the eternal question of idealism vs realpolitik). As if, on the global stage, the most powerful enjoy the greatest margin ─or leeway─ for inconsistency, for not honouring high values and for using those beliefs as simple bargaining chips.
In my view, the truth is quite the opposite of that cynical and acquiescent perception. In the end of the day, as Europeans, our values give us strength. Because in today’s world, strength cannot be found in slogans, placards or diatribes. Nor can we truly find it in the confusion between leadership and radicalism, in our blind faith in a technological future, or in the belief that complex problems have simple solutions. Strength, true strength, long-lasting and good-willing strength…, comes from reason, from deep ethical thought and the will to act accordingly; and Europe —the idea of Europe— is one of the greatest and wisest products of reason.
Dear students of the Jacques Delors Promotion: the next step of the European project, the one we continue to build (and this is not a contradiction), is defence and security. It is a field closely tied, though not always visibly, to the idea of Europe and its survival; this is inevitable for a project that was born from peace, after two horrific World Wars, but with the clear intention and aspiration of preventing war from ever taking hold on European soil again. This, of course, also ought to impregnate all our policies as much as possible.
Why now? We may ask ourselves. Why is a project that began with the sharing of energy and raw materials, became a common market, adopted a currency and laid the framework for a political union, is now looking to security and defence? The answer is clear: because the erosion of the world order ─the one we worked and hoped for, and felt so close towards the turn of the century (and millennium)─ has set off the all alarm bells ringing.
Furthermore, the world we have been living in, the world of the Univ.Decl. of HR, the UN Charter, multilateralism and the peaceful settlement of disputes ─neither perfect nor free of conflicts and suffering─, is being increasingly undermined and called into question, even by some of its greatest proponents and early defendants.
In this climate of uncertainty and complexity, many conflicts ─both old and recent─ are not receiving the attention they deserve, including lawless fighting in many nations of sub-Saharan Africa. Other conflicts fill the headlines every day with news of bloodshed, carnage, and destruction. Here I am thinking of the Middle East, where a brutal war is devastating Palestine, in the wake of no less brutal attacks against Israel, disregarding the fundamental rules of humanitarian law; or the latest worrying escalation of hostilities between Israel and Iran.
But I am also thinking of our own region, on our very border/door-step, where Ukraine suffers a war of aggression and invasion, raging now for three years, that has brought a huge tragedy, mainly upon the Ukrainian people (probably not seen since the continental wars); whom we must never abandon. As we can clearly see, war has beset a cloud of doubt and sense of insecurity upon everything we knew —or thought we knew— about international law.
Such basic principles as the respect for sovereign independence and territorial integrity of States are widely being debased. These are not mere legal concepts, with no connection to our lives: they are the bedrock of our world and our way of life. They are the foundations on which we built the rule of law, and which allow us to educate our children, trade, travel, pursue our life goals or even cooperate to solve common problems and global issues or needs. The rules of the game are under threat, the benefits of diplomacy and honest cooperation are at risk, and what is at stake is our very way of life.
Therefore, strengthening security and defence capacity and capabilities has shifted from a relevant but limited area of cooperation to a real and pressing need, with a large margin for improvement and huge potential. We must not forget that Europe justifies its existence by responding effectively to the needs that emerge in each stage. We, the people of Europe, must work together to meet those needs, to take this step forward without undermining other essential policies.
On so many occasions in the past, the European project overcame crises that I would go so far as to call existential. I trust we can do so again, responding with more Europe; and that we will demonstrate this as many times as required. Let no one underestimate our ability, as Europeans, to confront the challenges ahead.
However, dear students of Bruges, the path ahead will not be easy, because if we are to make progress, the “Community approach” is not enough on its own. Jacques Delors himself, he who had such a good understanding of the core elements of the European project, concluded that to forge a political union —based on the intergovernmental pillars— inertias and dirigism do not work in the same way as they do when building an internal market. We need more than that: a deeper feeling of ownership, a stronger commitment from the people of Europe under a shared sense of identity. The true key challenge in building a stronger, long lasting security and defence capacity or capability is that we must found it on our European citizenship.
The time for European citizens is now. Time to comprehend that the Union is not a community solely of rights and freedoms, but also of commitments and duties. We must ask ourselves not what Europe can do for us, but what we —Europeans of the 21st century— can do for Europe (using Kennedy’s famous phrase). Because our commitment to Europe, to the concept of Europe, is a commitment to our freedom, equality and future. It will require much effort, even sacrifice, as is inescapable when so much is at stake.
In our modern world, so deeply interconnected, no country or organization can aspire to be truly autonomous, nor would it clearly be beneficial. Europe is no exception. What we can aspire to, and should aim at, is to increase our sway and speak with a more effective and recognizable voice. We can only achieve this if we, as Europeans, continue to make our valuable contributions to collective security, and equip ourselves with the means to uphold and defend the principles we believe should continue to govern the international order and peace among nations. The combined resources and armed forces of the Member States have enormous potential; their prestige is indisputable. However, much progress needs to be made in aligning resources, in planning capacity, command structures and defence industries.
We cannot begin to strengthen our defensive muscle —it would be senseless to do so— without considering our alliances, and particularly the North Atlantic Alliance (NATO), on which security in Europe so largely depends. Because the transatlantic bond, our flagship strategic framework, is not just a political choice determined by chance. It is a way of understanding our place in the world, a values-based community forged in the tumultuous years of the 20th century, which is more vital than ever in the 21st. We must not forget that ours is an alliance of democratic States. That is why we all participate in the transatlantic dialogue: institutions, businesses, universities, artists, creators and civil society. Therefore, I urge you, over the course of your careers, to continue nurturing that dialogue. I urge you to continue believing in it.
In short, dear friends, never before in history has a united, strong and cohesive Europe been so vital for the world, and indeed for us europeans.
Just a few days from now, when you leave the halls of the College d’Europe with your Diploma in European Advanced Studies, as distinguished alumni of Bruges, the beautiful task of continuing to build Europe will become yours.
It will be your time to shape Europe. Use it well. Do not let scepticism defeat or dampen your eagerness to improve, to advance, to perfect the European project. Each stone you add to its construction will honour the memory of all the Europeans whose vision allowed them to “see far”. Europeans such as Jacques Delors, your illustrious Patron, whose assertion that “Europe is its people” rings more true today than ever before.
The EU project is undoubtedly imperfect, like all things human, but it is a beautiful idea, because it’s most fundamental aim represents a quest for harmony; a quiet harmony, which often goes unnoticed, below the deafening roar of the world we live in. I am sure that Beethoven, another European who dreamt of and believed in a united Europe without ever having lived it himself, in the face of this European project of our time would cry out: “Yes, friends, these sounds, these are the right sounds”.
Thank you very much.